by Jakob Mĝller, 2002
Imagine that you're six years old and walking to school. Blocking your view of the school, a group of agitated grownups suddenly loom high above you. A demonstration of some kind? An environmental protest? Indeed, but the protesters are all Protestants, and the environmenal hazard is your Catholic presence in their street. Stones and balloons of urine drive you from the scene, and etch this day in your memory forever.
The page you're looking at is a communication skills exercise undertaken in the course The 'troubles' and the 'peace': Explaining Northern Ireland arranged by Michael Böss at Aarhus University, Denmark. An exercise of this type demands that students solve the task of explaining a subject area to a certain target group, in this case English-speakers aware of the conflict in Northern Ireland. For centuries, sectarian (cross-community) conflict has existed between the Catholic and Protestant groups in the country. My aim is to describe the nature and causes of conflict and how integrated education of coming generations of Protestants and Catholics (schooling of Protestants and Catholics together) can be one of the main aids in stemming the antagonism and promoting acceptance of 'the other side'. The calmer political climate of recent years is not felt at all levels of society; the incident described above, a protracted skirmish only last year, is proof of the non-political dimension of the conflict, the point where base mistrust and prejudice destroys community relations.
1. A history of conflict
2. At school in Northern Ireland
3. Segregated education
4. Towards integrated education
5. The details of integrated education
6. Effects of integrated education
7. The cases against integrated
education
Appendix: Suggested reading
The following exchange is a staple anecdote in the writing on
Northern Ireland:
-Are you a Protestant or a Catholic?
-I'm an atheist.
-But are you a Protestant or a Catholic atheist?
The points illustrated here are: ethnically, the Catholics and
Protestants are indistinguishable, ruling out any elements of
ordinary racism. Secondly, the boundary between religion and
ethnicity is blurred; even those who do not practise a religion
will be placed in one of the two categories. The conflict is
commonly attributed to the immigration of English Protestants to
the island of Ireland long before Northern Ireland was separated
from it.
| 12th-13th centuries | First English settlers. Ireland is considered a colony. |
| Early 17th century | Large English and Scots settlement in the north of Ireland. The native Catholic population still the majority. Conflict between the settler and native groups. |
| 1641 | Rebellion attempt by the native Gaelic-Irish. |
| Late 18th century | Short-lived Protestant demand for more independence from Britain. The native Catholic population and the Protestant settlers from the 12th-13th centuries form the United Irishmen in their shared desire for an independent Ireland, including equality for Catholics (the birth of Irish nationalism). |
| 1795 | Orange Order formed to protect Protestant supremacy. The Protestants remain loyal to the Protestant Britain because they regard themselves as Britons living in a remote part of Britain. |
| 1798 | Rebellion: The United Irishmen are beaten back by the greater Orange Order. |
The Catholic and Protestant sections of the polulation which had united in the United Irishmen eventually merged into a Catholic group that was Irish in national orientation [1]. An interesting perspective on what can happen when two populations have lived alongside each other for centuries without attempting to wipe each other out.
| 19th century | Unionism (the wish to preserve close links with Britain) on the increase among Protestants because industry and trade with Britain have become increasingly lucrative. Late in the century, the rise of nationalism throughout Europe reduces the ethnic groups to the purely Catholic-Protestant dichotomy we know today: the Catholics, most of them Irish nationalists, work for Irish independence from Britain. The Protestants wish to stay within the union with Britain because they know that the Catholics are still the majority on the island. |
| 1920 | Northern Ireland is partitioned, that is, separated from the rest of Ireland. This happens according to the wishes of Protestant unionists who fear the majority of Catholics working towards an independent Irish nation. Partition also means that Catholics living inside the new Northen Ireland are suddenly the minority group. Catholics north and south were/are strongly opposed to partition. |
| 1969-1998 | 'The Troubles': Militant Irish nationalism clashes with unionist activists and security forces. Bomb terror and countless sectarian killings. |
| 1998- | The Belfast Agreement leads to elections and the establishment in 1999 of the Northern Ireland Assembly, a government including both Catholics and Protestants. Responsibility for education is transferred to the Assembly. Sectarian hatred is still a part of life. However, sectarian killings are now much less common; for example, 18 people were killed in 2000. 14 of these were killed by Protestants, and 13 were their own co-religionists. |
Briefly, the situation today is one of community unrest between the 55% Protestants and the 45% Catholic minority [2]. The historical basis for killings is mainly rhe political nationality-issues surrounding partition; but the root cause of this was clearly religious differences. But then it has been argued that the basis of the vehement religious identifications is actually an ethno-religious need to identify with a clearly demarcated group, which helps the individual to define his own identity and the group to survive/achieve common goals [3].
Thus, in Northern Ireland, politics, religion, and existential considerations seem mixed together. Explanations of the situation follow this pattern, additionally focussing on internal and external factors. However, it would be foolish to overlook some of the built-in weaknesses of the society. Residential segregation is the norm, that is, Catholics and Protestants prefer to live apart from people of the other religion. This pattern is matched in most schools. This social and essentially non-political aspect of the conflict deserves a lot of attention, and those leaning in that direction must inevitably favour measures such as integrated education.
2. At school in Northern Ireland
The Northern Ireland (NI) education system is described as efficient [4] as well as non-discriminatory; because schools are open to all denominations (religions), it has been argued that integrated schools are already in place across the board [5]. However, as I will show, the majority recognises that education in NI is essentially denominational, that is, divided along the same Catholic and Protestant lines as the rest of society. It is this early segregation of children into Catholic and Protestant schools which negatively affects their view of 'the other side', and perpetuates community division.
Responsibility for the school sector rests with the Department of Education for Northern Ireland (DENI), the legislative level being handled by the NI Assembly. Prior to 1999, legislative authority of education was in the hands of the British government and the Education Minister. The British view on segregated education was negative, and dating back to the 1830s several unsuccessful attempts were made to transfer school ownership from the churches to the state and create a common system [6]. However, the churches were against it because they knew that the specialized religious instruction of each would suffer. Eventually, in the 1920s, the Protestant churches transferred their schools to government ownership in return for a permanent say in the administration. The Catholic schools remained independent, no doubt due to incompatibility with the Protestantism of the British government [7].
The links with Britain is reflected in the organization of classes. This paper focusses on the formative years 4-16, when opinions and behaviour are learnt. Prior to age four children may attend nursery classes; incidentally, there are no integrated initiatives at this level. Compulsory education in Northern Ireland starts at age four, when they enter primary school which they attend until age eleven. Entry into post-primary education for most is decided by a test, the '11 plus', which directs the brightest into grammar school and the majority to secondary schools. Post-primary education lasts until the pupils are 16 or 18, after which most continue into further or higher education.
The denominational nature of education has effected various types of schools in Northern Ireland. Due to standardization of curricula, they are largely distinguished by ownership and funding basis, although nearly all schools get some amount of government funding. There are two main funding types: recurrent-cost funding covers teacher salaries and school equipment. Capital-cost funding covers the acquisition of school land and buildings (essentially the prerequisites for creating new schools). The main types of school are as follows:
School system structure
Overall, the entire grant-aided sector can be reduced to three
main alternatives: Catholic, Protestant and Integrated schools.
All grant-aided schools accept children of all religions, and if
one takes this to mean that the system is integrated then there
seems to be ample provision for everyone. In reality, this is
true only for the denominational schools, which make up 90% of
the total offerings [9].
In 1999, Catholic pupils made up 51% and Protestant pupils 42% of school seekers; surprising numbers in a population of which a majority of 55% are Protestant. In 1995, Protestant secondary and grammar schools numbered 120, the Catholic figure being 109 [10]; clearly, the differences have lessened, even on the background of more Catholic pupils. The same study shows a total of 4 integrated secondary schools in 1995. The January 2002 numbers show that efforts to increase secondary level offerings have boosted the number of integrated secondary schools to 17. This is out of a current total of integrated schools of 46 [11]. However, the amount of integrated secondary schools has not changed since 1997 [12]; and at 14,000-strong, enrolment at integrated schools at present makes up just 4% of the school population [13]. Clearly, integrated schools are still the 'afterthought' to their older and bigger siblings.
In terms of coverage, Protestant and Catholic schools are in equilibrium, as one would expect of long-standing institutions; however, the same is not true for integrated alternatives. In 2000-01, 1140 pupils applied in vain for entrance into one of these schools [14]. It has been argued that extending capital funding to integrated initiatives would boost their numbers and allow more parents to discover what integrated education is all about. However, it has also been said that there are already too many schools in the province [15]. In addition, there are more schools with very few pupils than anywhere else on the island [16]. Thus, the answer would seem to be to 'transfer' existing schools to the integrated scheme; this, however, requires major changes in the philosophies of local parents.
The level of religious uniformity in Catholic and Protestant schools is traditionally rather high. In the Schools Apart? Study from 1976-77, 71% of schools surveyed were composed of exclusively Catholic or Protestant children. The teacher stock was even more finely distributed, with 98,5% of the teachers surveyed teaching at schools of their denomination [17]. Whether or not these figures hold true today is not known, but these patterns certainly makes it less attractive to cross the religious divide. In addition to the attendance pattern, there are other indicators that the system is segregated: firstly, studies involving interviews of parents have revealed that the opinion that there are two main sectors is nearly universal [18]. And secondly, the actual administration of schools which is clearly linked with the historic tole of the church in Northern Irish education.
The role of churches
But does it really matter that some schools are owned by the
church? Well, in the Catholic school sector, two thirds of school
management committees is appointed by the Catholic church. And
even in the state-owned Protestant schools, half of committee
members are selected by the Protestant church [19].
Clearly, to talk of church-dominated education in Northern
Ireland is no exaggeration, and this in a system called 'already
integrated' by some! But what is the consequence of this degree
of control? The Catholic church is most overtly controlling;
especially regarding the curriculum, there was traditionally an
emphasis on Latin (as an ecclesiastical language used by priests),
Irish (preserving Gaelic/Irish links), and teaching history with
a natively Irish (as opposed to British) bias.
The Protestant church, as state religion, can better afford to rely on the government to agree with it in its handling of the controlled schools, and being the religion of the majority, does not have immediate worries about disappearing. One consequence of Protestant church influence, perhaps in the indirect department, is that only it is asked for members for the management committees of new controlled primary schools [20]. Regarding the curriculum, with regard to the teaching of history the same was true in Protestant schools, only in reverse.
After the introduction of the common curriculum in 1989, these distinctions no longer apply for the curriculum, at least officially. Nevertheless, it is worth remembering that much of the pre-1989 personnel and habits are still in place, as is the denominational composition of staff: enough to suspect that a sectarian bias may be in effect. This is sometimes called the hidden curriculum [21]. As it is impossible to check up on the procedures inside the classroom, the segregated school system presents a monolithic conundrum to researchers. This is one of the main reasons why the segregated school system as it stands is in danger of forever repeating the roles and prejudices of conflict.
As mentioned earlier, there are several analyses of the main reason for conflict and violence in Northern Ireland. Those that think that it is politically motivated divide the parties up into nationalists and unionists motivated by long-term political or territorial goals. Among those who emphasize social stereotypes and old hatred as the primary cause, integrated education is a natural solvent and at least part of the long-term solution. This social viewpoint would seem to be borne out by the fact that despite cooperation at the political level, local violence and suspicion persists. Opponents of this view suggest that the segregated system predates the violence since 1969 by a long chalk. However, sectarian violence also existed long before 1969.
A great part of the argument for integrated schools is the image of segregated classes of Protestants and Catholics as a microcosm of the conflict going on outside the classroom; Students are essentially trained to dislike 'the others' despite the fact that they have to live alongside them.
As Seamus Dunn, a prolific writer on the subject has said, the schools produce people with no contacts outside their own community, something which is bound to shape their attitudes and behaviour [22]. The fact of separate schools has been seen to make children aware of community differences while 'inter-school rivalries institutionalize [the differences]' [23]; something that would approach open state-sanctioning of community division.
In 1971, a study aimed to determine the religious and cultural attitudes among school children aged 7 to 15. Asked to name the founder of their city, Catholics and Protestants named heroes of their respective denominations. As for the leading citizen of the city, the pattern was the same, with a small but persistent majority of primary school pupils (50.1% and 69.2%) selecting from within their own denomination. Secondary school pupils had numbers of 62.2% and 70.9%, suggesting that the school experience cumulatively increases the communal split in society [24]. Other works of research carried out in the 1970s have apparently supported the conclusion that the views of the community are firmly ingrained at an early age [25].
On the theoretical level, hypotheses have been advanced in order to estimate the effects of segregated education. The 'cultural hypothesis' covers aspects of school ethos (or cultural values) and the 'hidden curriculum' already discussed. The 'social hypothesis' focusses on the effects of physical separation which is seen as validating hostile attitudes and promoting ignorance and suspicion of the other community [26].
The position of the British government on segregated education has traditionally been that it doesn't directly create conflict, but that it does nothing to alleviate it favour of the segregated system often focuses on there [27]. Opinion in being no support for integrated education among parents, a point which is heavily disputed, or that the materials used in the schools are often the same anyway, an unconvincing argument considering that the all-important element in the class forum is the teacher and any biases he may have.
Statistics have shown that Catholic schools are particularly good in arts subjects, while Protestant schools do better at science [28]; such indications cannot mean that Catholic pupils are inherently proficient in the arts, etc. Instead, it is clear that it is teacher training or school ethos or philosophy which differ, leading to varying qualities of education. With the idea of equal opportunity in mind, it would seem that Protestants are thus given a head start on the road to becoming the managers and superiors of the future.
Religious versus secular schools
Some criticism of the segregated system specifically targets the
church dimension of its organisation. Traditionally, the
patriarchal dominance of the schools means that they consider the
pupils as held in trust, and the role of the school as that of
propagating the right religion and morality. This means that the
parents are kept out of the process of deciding what goes on in
the school, something which is out of touch with the present day.
Another special feature of Catholic schooling is that many
schools have not introduced co-education, that is, are boys- or
girls-only schools; certainly grounds for considering the
Catholic schools conservative.
This traditional role of the religious schools is also why the Catholic church has been the staunchest opponent to integrated education [29]. School is seen as a vital part of the survival of their minority religion, and measures to end it have been likened to 'assimilation in disguise' because of suspicion that the atmosphere and administration of integrated schools effectively made them Protestant. In addition, new integrated schools are seen as yet more competitors for government funding in the overcrowded market.
There is a good case against these views, however, as integrated schools do not exactly entail being assimilated into the Protestant religion; they can be seen as the religious, non-segregated third alternative. Reasons for this include their use of the Northern Ireland religious education curriculum devised by both churches in unison [30]. In addition to this, the operative goals include recognition and encouragement of the individual religion of each pupil: integrated schools are far from being areligious, although atheists are welcome. However, the operative advantage of integrated education regarding the situation on Northern Ireland is their focus on recognition of both Protestant and Catholic traditions, or presence, leaving religion to the individual choice.
4. Towards integrated education
The movement towards what little integrated school coverage that exists now started in the 1970s, the great age of grass-roots initiatives, as a voluntary organisation. The British government, in spite of its evident anti-segregationism, showed no interest in the radical solution of building new schools, and offered no support whatsoever. Both churches, although not officially against the idea, were wholly inactive regarding this charitiable purpose [31]. Popular opinion seems to have wavered, some saying it was strongly in favour, others that parents were indifferent [32]. In 1977, the British government had outlined a kind of negative policy on integration: nothing was to be done to stop it, or to initiate it [33].
Dunn has outlined three methods of encouraging desegregation through schools: curriculum changes (for learning about the other tradition), integrated education, and contact between schools across the religious divide [34]. The first and the latter were used by the government in the 1980s, perhaps because it seemed less costly than building new integrated schools. The growth in integrated schooling culminated in the Education Reform of 1989 which finally imposed statutory provision for integrated education, which meant that the DENI was obliged to find funds for schools prepared to reach settlements. In the Belfast Agreement of 1998 this was followed by a statutory duty to facilitate Irish language education for which there is growing interest. In 2001, the Integrated Education Campaign was kicked off, its goal being that 10% of children in Northern Ireland will have the option to go to an integrated school by the year 2008 [35].
Developments such as the 1989 Reform with its initiatives regarding tolerance and understanding, and the emphasis of the Belfast Agreement on equal opportunity and community relations show that there are integration thoughts even in the conventional school system. This, along with the peace process, counts as official approval of and justification for more integrated schools. Additionally, below the formal policy level, there are currents tending towards increased community integration such as more Catholic-Protestant marriages. Mixed schools form a natural but essential part of this development towards 'modernity' and a prosperous future.
5. The details of
integrated education
Integrated education was conceived as a response to the need for educating Catholic and Protestant children together in mixed schools instead of in almost purely Catholic or Protestant schools, as is most often the case. Although some say that integrated schools are already the norm in Northern Ireland, only about 4% have been conceived as integrated institutions and are as such independent of the influence of either the Catholic or Protestant church.
So integrated education means that Catholic and Protestant children learn together, the same subjects with the same emphases, ensuring that both groups get equal standards of education. At the same time, they get to know people of another religion than their own, meaning that they can form their own opinions and will not be likely to believe lies and age-old myths abouth the other group.
Although the schools are not controlled by the churches, their statutes say that all faiths are acknowledged and supported, and non-believers are welcome. Furthermore, none of the two major religions, Catholicism and Protestantism, will receive more emphasis than the other. Integrated schools are attended by children of Catholics, Protestants, and other groups, as well as children of mixed marriages between Protestants and Catholics, for whom these schools are very valuable. Moreover, targets of 40:40 enrolment ratios for Catholic and Protestant pupils ensure that none of the two major groups becomes a majority in the school.
Most of the schools have agreed on common standards and goals:
6. Effects of integrated
education
Essentially, the benefits of integrated education amount to the shortcomings of segregated education; this is because it was developed to address the perceived problems in the conventional system. Please consult the section on segregation for details on this. The conflicts and violence in recent Northern Irish history were not caused by the school system, but to keep up a segregated system in a place that is torn by remediable prejudices is not logical. It is my view that the basis for these prejudices will be dissolved by the knowledge of 'the other side' that integrated schools can provide.
I am not in possession of studies to substantiate the claim that inter-pupil relations will be improved by these measures, so the facts of the existing school system and the experience of the past must speak for themselves. Hopefully, there will be a long-term effect on the discrimination taking place in the labour market; one day, pupils from integrated schools will be doing some of the hiring. Similarly, rates of entry into higher education need to be more even than the 1991 numbers were [36]; with an equal education basis, at least equal opportunity is secured. On a more superficial level, the existence of integrated schools has politicised the debate over the polarised communities in Northern Ireland, as seen in the 1989 Education Reform and later, resulting in a clear signal that segregation is not a matter of national pride.
7. The cases against integrated
education
Among the sceptics of integrated schools are John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary who claim that contact between polarised groups could have the effect of confirming the long-held prejudices [37]. The clash of loyalties at school level is seen as an event which will overshadow the rest of the school age. I think this view is very pessimistic considering that the two groups would meet at primary school level, a time of openness and political tolerance in their lives. Sectarian hatred just seems unlikely among 6-year olds; besides, the school 'blockade' described at the beginning shows that these problems are already a part of school life. McGarry and O'Leary also underrate the work that can be done by teachers and the structure of classes.
H. M. Knox writes that integrated education is certainly socially beneficial, a view that many would agree with [38]; but the social aspect is not the only priority. Considerations include academic prowess, the quality of religious instruction, and its effect on the future religious and communal identity. The fears of churches that such functions will suffer outside their specialized jurisdiction are not unfounded.
The end of that tangent is future secularization of pupils in integrated schools, either because the religious instruction received is meaningless, or due to the effects of a pluralist environment that encourages religious 'sampling'. Related to this is the possibility that mixed schools may either encourage cultural difference or uniformize spiritualism despite a composition with rich cultural pluralism. At any rate, the creation of a uniform society is not and should not be a goal; the recent history of Europe has showed that forgotten cultural traits have a way of resurfacing, to not unanimous appreciation. On the other hand, the one reason for segregated schools is the survival instinct of the churches, a clerical minority which can direct large numbers of followers to attend their institutions. Not unlike the way a few short-sighted politicians may appeal to cultural shibboleths and move the mood towards cultural intolerance.
I hope this page and the facts and opinions on it have illuminated the issue of integrated education. Maybe it has even provoked some ideas regarding the utility of integrated schooling, which yet remains the choice of the few in Northern Ireland.
Comments to: NOSPAMjakobm@adr.dk
Below is a collection of books and websites about the topic.
Suggested reading
CAIN website - education in Northern Ireland: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/ni/educ.htm
Info on schools all over Europe: http://www.eurydice.org/Eurybase/
The DENI history of education: http://www.deni.gov.uk/about/d_history_2.htm
The IEF history of integrated education: http://www.ief.org.uk/files/history2.htm
Catholic Girls' School Incident: http://www.canoe.ca/CNEWSNorthernIreland0109/10_school-ap.html
Jones, Bill (ed), et al. Politics UK (Harlow, 2000).
McGarry, John and Brendan O'Leary, Explaining Northern
Ireland (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995).
References
[1] Joseph Ruane and Jennifer Todd, The
Dynamics of Conflict in Northern Ireland (Cambridge:
University Press, 1996), 24.
[2] Integrated Education Fund website. http://www.ief.org.uk/files/history1.htm
[3] Bill Jones (ed), et al, Politics UK
(Harlow, 2000), 637.
[4] CAIN website (University of Ulster). http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/ni/educ.htm
[5] Dorothy Wilson and Seamus Dunn,
'Integrated Schools: Information for Parents' (Ulster U,1989).
Centre for the Study of Conflict: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/csc/reports/parents.htm
[6] Grace Fraser and Valerie Morgan, Integrated
Education in Northern Ireland: the implications of expansion
(Ulster U, 1999).Centre for the Study of Conflict: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/csc/reports/fraser99.htm
[7] DENI Website: 'A short history of
education.' http://www.deni.gov.uk/about/d_history_2.htm
[8] NI Council for Integrated Education
website. http://www.nicie.org/default.html
[9] Integrated Education Fund website. http://www.ief.org.uk/files/history1.htm
[10] CAIN website (University of Ulster). http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/ni/educ.htm#2
[11] CAIN website (University of Ulster). http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/ni/educ.htm
[12] Grace Fraser and Valerie Morgan, Integrated
Education in Northern Ireland: the implications of expansion
(Ulster U, 1999).Centre for the Study of Conflict: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/csc/reports/fraser99.htm
[13] CAIN website (University of Ulster). http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/ni/educ.htm
[14] NI Council for Integrated Education
website. http://www.nicie.org/default.html
[15] Grace Fraser and Valerie Morgan, Integrated
Education in Northern Ireland: the implications of expansion
(Ulster U, 1999).Centre for the Study of Conflict: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/csc/reports/fraser99.htm
[16] CAIN website (University of Ulster). http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/ni/educ.htm
[17] John Darby, et al, 'Education and
Community in Norther Ireland: Schools Apart?' and 'Schools
Together?' (Ulster U, 1977, 1989). Centre for the Study of
Conflict: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/csc/reports/schools.htm
[18] Ibid.
[19] John Darby, 'Northern Ireland: Bonds and
Breaks in Education', British Journal of Educational Studies
26 (1978): 217.
[20] John Darby, et al, 'Education and
Community in Norther Ireland: Schools Apart?' and 'Schools
Together?' (Ulster U, 1977, 1989). Centre for the Study of
Conflict: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/csc/reports/schools.htm
[21] Grace Fraser and Valerie Morgan, Integrated
Education in Northern Ireland: the implications of expansion
(Ulster U, 1999).Centre for the Study of Conflict: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/csc/reports/fraser99.htm
[22] Ibid.
[23] John Darby, 'Northern Ireland: Bonds and
Breaks in Education', British Journal of Educational Studies
26 (1978): 219. (Robinson 1971, 387)
[24] Alan Robinson, 'Education and Sectarian
Conflict in Northern Ireland', The New Era / Journal of the
World Education Fellowship 52 (1971): 387.
[25] Grace Fraser and Valerie Morgan, Integrated
Education in Northern Ireland: the implications of expansion
(Ulster U, 1999).Centre for the Study of Conflict: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/csc/reports/fraser99.htm
[26] A M Gallagher, Majority Minority Review
1: Education in a Divided Society (Ulster U, 1995). Centre for
the Study of Conflict: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/csc/reports/majmin1s.htm
[27] Penny McKeown and Michael Connolly,
'Education Reform in Northern Ireland: Maintaining the
Distance?', Journal of Social Policy 21 (1992): 214.
[28] CAIN website (University of Ulster). http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/ni/educ.htm
[29] Valerie Morgan, et al, Breaking the
Mould: The Roles of Parents and Teachers in the Integrated
Schools in Northern Ireland (Ulster U, 1992) Centre for the
Study of Conflict: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/csc/reports/mould.htm
[30] NI Council for Integrated Education
website. http://www.nicie.org/default.html
[31] Seamus Dunn, 'Integrated Schools in
Northern Ireland', Oxford review of Education 15 (1989):
122.
[32] Darby (1989), 220; McKeown and Connolly,
230.
[33] Darby (1978), 216.
[34] Seamus Dunn, 'The Role of Education in
the Northern Ireland Conflict', Oxford Review of Education
12 (1986): 236.
[35] Integrated Education Fund website. http://www.ief.org.uk/files/history1.htm
[36] CAIN website (University of Ulster). http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/ni/educ.htm#12
[37] John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary, Explaining
Northern Ireland (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995), 210.
[38] H M Knox, 'Religious Segregation in the
Schools of Northern Ireland', British Journal of Educational
Studies 21 (1973), 312.
Sidst opdateret: 09-06-2002